Minaj calls dustup with Cardi B ‘mortifying,’ ‘humiliating’
Tuesday, September 11
NEW YORK (AP) — Nicki Minaj said being involved in an altercation with Cardi B at a fashion week party was “so mortifying and so humiliating.”
Cardi B tried to attack Minaj at the Harper’s Bazaar Icons party in New York on Friday. Video circulated on social media showing Cardi B lunging toward Minaj and throwing her shoe at the rapper.
In an Instagram post, Cardi B — who recently had a child — didn’t call out Minaj by name but alluded to the fight and said she was sparked because her mothering skills were being disparaged.
“I wanna say that I would never discuss anyone’s child. And it’s so sad for someone to pin that on me because I’m the bad guy and they’re gonna believe them,” Minaj said Monday on her Apple Music “Queen Radio” show.
The rappers have been rivals since Cardi B began achieving huge success over the last year. Cardi B recently became the first female rapper to have two songs hit the No. 1 spot on the Billboard Hot 100 and her debut album, “Invasion of Privacy,” is one of the best-selling albums of the year. Minaj continues to find success but has been displaced as rap’s top female act.
Minaj said on her show that Cardi B “has built her career off of sympathy and payola.”
A barefoot Cardi B was escorted out of the event last week by security and was seen leaving the party with what appeared to be a bump on her head.
“Get this woman some (expletive) help. This woman is at the best stage of her career and she’s throwing bottles and throwing shoes? Who the (expletive) is gonna give her an intervention?” Minaj said.
Police killings of 3 black men left a mark on Detroit’s history more than 50 years ago
September 10, 2018
Senior Lecturer of Urban Studies, Wayne State University
Jeffrey Horner does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Wayne State University provides funding as a member of The Conversation US.
Police routinely used violent force against blacks in the U.S. before the 1940s, primarily as a means of preserving segregation in cities.
It became a last line of defense for segregationists after the U.S. Supreme Court in 1948 weakened the ability of property owners to refuse to sell to people of color. By the 1950s, with the decline of legalized segregation, many white community associations were organizing to “defend” their neighborhoods against black residents who were seeking housing there. By the 1960s, a squadron of Detroit police officers known as the Big Four began patrols specifically aimed at maintaining racial homogeneity in the city’s white neighborhoods.
Albert Cobo, Detroit’s mayor from 1950 to 1957, openly campaigned in 1949 on a promise to prevent the “Negro invasion.”
In Detroit in the late 1950s and early 1960s, federal urban redevelopment projects – under statutory authority of Slum Clearance and Urban Renewal – displaced thousands of black residents and businesses in the largest black quarter of the city.
Districts known as Paradise Valley and Black Bottom were converted into an interstate freeway and upper middle-class residential district, available to few who were displaced. Seemingly, blacks were no longer welcome even in black areas of the city.
Many relocated to the 12th Street commercial district, a Jewish quarter where many blacks held jobs, leading to residential overcrowding. This set the stage for the deadliest urban civil insurrection of the 1960s – the Detroit Rebellion of 1967. It was sparked by a police bust of an after-hours drinking establishment frequented by blacks, but years of police brutality and deteriorating social conditions fueled the flame.
One incident in which white police officers killed three black men happened at the height of the insurrection.
I believe these events show that police brutality today, perpetrated disproportionately against blacks in urban areas, is more of a continuation of historic patterns than a set of novel events.
The Detroit Rebellion left 43 people dead and caused hundreds of documented and undocumented injuries. The vast majority of the 7,000 people who were arrested were black.
The primary cause of the unrest, according to the 1968 Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, was police brutality against blacks followed by unemployment, housing conditions, poor educational opportunities and many other public and social issues that disparately impacted black populations.
One of the most well-documented instances of police brutality in this time involved the deaths of three unarmed black men by white police. Pulitzer Prize-winning novelist John Hersey observed, in his definitive work, “The Algiers Motel Incident,” that the “episode contained all of the mythic themes of racial strife in the United States: the arm of the law taking the law into its own hands … the devastation in both black and white human lives that follows in the wake of violence as surely as a ruinous and indiscriminate flood after torrents.”
Hersey had initially set out to investigate and report on the causes of the entire uprising in Detroit. Upon on his arrival that August, his attention quickly focused on the incident at the Algiers Motel. His remarkable, exhaustive accounts detail the horrifying chain of events that were overshadowed by the Detroit Rebellion of 1967.
What happened at the Algiers Motel
Hersey, writer Sidney Fine and others have noted that accounts of the events that led to the deaths of Carl Cooper, Aubrey Pollard and Fred Temple have often been conflicting.
But here are the basic facts.
In the early hours of July 26, 1967, Detroit police Officers Ronald August, Robert Paille and David Senak responded to a report of civilian snipers at the Algiers Motel, about 1 mile east of the center of the uprising.
According to eyewitness news accounts and subsequent investigations, officers began a room-to-room search for weapons and suspects once they arrived at the motel annex. Officers Paille and Senak then encountered Fred Temple, an 18-year-old employed by the Ford Motor Company. He was on the phone in an apartment room and the two officers fired on him simultaneously, killing him.
In the meantime, National Guardsmen and additional police had rounded up motel occupants in the lobby of the annex and were questioning and searching them. Rushing down the steps from the second floor and unwittingly entering the lobby was 17-year-old Carl Cooper. He was immediately shot dead, but not before declaring that he didn’t have a weapon. Another version of Cooper’s death suggests that it occurred earlier, at the time of the initial raid. No one was charged in his death.
Aubrey Pollard was killed in a separate set of interrogations, which Hersey wrote could be described as a “death game.” Individual suspects were moved into a separate apartment. There, officers discharged their gun into the floor to simulate an execution to frighten the suspects into talking. According to testimony from Officer August, a struggle ensued in the apartment over August’s shotgun, leaving Pollard dead.
No deadly arms were uncovered during the raid. According to eyewitness testimony, the report of snipers that prompted the raid was likely caused by a cap gun used to start races in track events. Witnesses said they saw Cooper firing a few rounds inside and outside of the annex in what one described as an act of mischief.
Officer August was charged with murder after extensive hearings and investigations. His defense counsel Norman Lippitt argued that Hersey’s book, which was published only a year after the incident and received extensive news coverage, was “too inflammatory” to allow a fair trial with unprejudiced jurors.
The judge agreed and moved the trial to Mason, Michigan, a small county seat about 90 miles from Detroit, all but guaranteeing an all-white jury. After a six-week long trial, Officer August was acquitted.
A civil rights trial followed in Flint in 1970. Officers August, Paille and Senak were charged with conspiring to deny civil rights to the three victims plus eight others, resulting in an acquittal for all three officers.
The response to the Rebellion of Detroit’s electorate in the 1969 mayoral election was a victory for the law and order candidate, Roman Gribbs. His newly appointed chief of police, John Nichols, quickly implemented a novel policing procedure called Stop the Robberies, Enjoy Safe Streets. A special unit of the Police Department employed police officers in civilian clothes to entrap criminals in crimes that wouldn’t have otherwise occurred. Such policing practices, and a growing black population, led to the 1973 election of Detroit’s first black mayor, Coleman A. Young.
I believe the Algiers Motel incident illustrates a consistent pattern of deadly police brutality perpetrated against blacks, caused primarily by predispositions to social control of blacks and other persons of color.
As legal methods of social control such as segregation policies were overturned by courts throughout the 20th century, enforcement of existing segregation patterns are increasingly taken on, consciously or unconsciously, by local police departments, often using violence and brutality.
Sadly, these patterns existed long before that fateful night in the Algiers, and continue into our present.
Minority job applicants with ‘strong racial identities’ may encounter less pay and lower odds of getting hired
September 11, 2018
George B. Cunningham
Professor of Sport Management and Sr. Assistant Provost for Graduate and Professional Studies, Texas A&M University
George B. Cunningham does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
Texas A&M University provides funding as a founding partner of The Conversation US.
Race-based discrimination is common in the hiring process.
For example, racial minorities are less likely than whites to receive a callback when they apply for a job. There are also wide earning gaps, with African-Americans and Latinos earning a fraction of what whites and Asians do.
Yet despite laws that aim to reduce employment discrimination and improve attitudes toward diversity, these patterns have not changed for decades.
When analyzing these problems, researchers and others tend to focus on how the experiences of racial minorities compare with those of whites. Often missing is whether there are differences among individuals of the same racial group in terms of how they experience bias.
That is where my new study, which focuses on perceptions of others’ racial identities, comes in.
People have more than one identity, such as being a mom, a Muslim, an athlete, a scientist and so on.
Just as we commonly think about the importance of each of our identities to who we are – such as being a dad or very religious – we make the same assessments of other people. That is, we evaluate other people’s identities to understand which ones are most fundamental to who they are.
And it turns out, the conclusions we come to about each other’s “perceived identities” can have a big effect on how we interact with them.
As a researcher who has spent the last 19 years examining diversity and inclusion, I was interested in how perceptions of identity affected a racial minority’s prospects as a job applicant. More specifically, I wanted to know if the perception that an applicant has a strong racial identity affected her ability to get a job and how much she’d get paid.
Past research has shown that our inferences about others’ personal identities can influence how we interact with them.
In some cases, people might talk about how their identity is important to them, or how it reflects a critical part of who they are as a person. In other cases, we make assessments based on cues. For example, we might think someone strongly identifies as Latino when they are members of a Latino student organization. Or, we might infer a weak identity among people who engage in actions that are seemingly contrary to the interests of their group.
For example, psychologists Cheryl Kaiser and Jennifer Pratt-Hyatt found found that whites interact more positively with racial minorities they believe weakly identify with their race – and more negatively with those with stronger racial identifies. Specifically, whites expressed more desire to be their friends and offer favorable ratings of their personality.
Presumed identity and work
Drawing on their work, Astin Vick, a former student of mine, and I examined whether African-American women’s and Latinas’ presumed racial identity affect their job ratings.
Using an online data collection platform, we asked 238 white people who indicated that they currently or previously worked in the fitness industry to review the application of someone applying to be a club manager. They were told to review a job description, a hiring directive from the club owner, a summary of each applicant’s relevant background and a picture.
All applicants had the same experience, work history and education. The pictures were used to indicate an applicant’s race. Most importantly, we varied each applicant’s relevant affiliations and community service to suggest whether she had a strong identification to her racial group or a weak one.
For example, membership in the Latino Fitness Instructors Association or volunteering for former President Barack Obama’s campaign would signal a strong identification to an applicant’s Latina or black racial group. Belonging to the neutral-sounding Intercollegiate Athletics Coaches Association or volunteering for Obama’s opponent in the 2012 presidential campaign, Mitt Romney, would signal a weak one.
The participants then filled in a questionnaire to measure their perceptions of the applicant they reviewed, including work attributes such as “untested” or “expert,” hiring recommendation and suggested salary.
Our results showed that most people did in fact use cues from the application file to form views of the applicant’s racial identity, which in turn informed their hiring and salary recommendations. Essentially, as we expected, applicants perceived as identifying strongly with their racial group were less likely to be recommended for a job. And, when they were, received lower suggested salaries – on average US$2,000 less – than those signaling weak associations.
The story does not end there, though, since we also knew each participant’s gender. And we found that men showed a slightly different pattern than the one described above.
Men recommended roughly the same salaries for African-American women and Latinas who identified weakly with their racial groups. But for those with strong perceived identifies, they penalized Latinas far more than African-Americans. That is, they recommended the club pay Latinas with a strong racial identify about $5,000 less than African-Americans.
These small changes can add up over time. Over a 15-year tenure with a company, that difference results in $96,489 difference in inflation-adjusted earnings.
Our study illustrates several key points.
First, though racial minorities, as a collective, face bias in employment, there is considerable within group variability. An applicant’s specific race matters, as does her or his presumed racial identity.
Second, raters use cues on a resume to infer a job applicant’s racial identity. They then use this information in their decision-making. Aware of this pattern, some job seekers remove race-related activities on their resumes, what Sonia Kang, an associate professor of organizational behavior, refers to as racial whitening.
Finally, research has shown that diversity in the workplace leads to greater organizational performance and employee well-being. As such, employers would be wise to be on the lookout for biases like the one we found that are likely to lead to less diverse work forces and take steps to overcome them when hiring new workers.
Will a ‘Saturday Night Live’ makeover rescue the Emmys?
By LYNN ELBER
AP Television Writer
Tuesday, September 11
LOS ANGELES (AP) — Excited about Monday’s 70th Emmy Awards? Probably not. That’s an educated guess based on shrinking interest in entertainment’s back-slapping ceremonies generally and television’s biggest night in particular.
Last year’s Emmys drew 11.4 million viewers, a smidge above 2016’s worst-ever 11.3 million. The 2018 Oscars dipped to an all-time low with 26.5 million viewers — still more than double that of its small-screen sibling.
But imagine this: An expert in producing live TV jumps in to invigorate the stale, decades-old Emmy format by orchestrating more laughs, more surprises and fewer trophy presentations capped by giddy yet dull speeches.
(Sorry, that last one isn’t going to happen, explanation below.)
The magic could be delivered by “Saturday Night Live” impresario Lorne Michaels, who’s producing his first Emmy Awards since the late 80s, back when the top nominees included “The Golden Girls” and “thirtysomething.”
The contenders for the Emmys airing at 8 p.m. EDT Monday on NBC are unique and distinctly contemporary, “Atlanta” and “The Handmaid’s Tale” among them, but can the tradition-bound ceremony possibly be their equal?
Ken Davenport, a Tony-Award winning Broadway producer (“Kinky Boots,” ”Once on This Island”), says Michaels’ live-TV resume could give the ceremony hosted by “SNL” faux news anchors Michael Che and Colin Jost what it needs.
“Because of Lorne and the hosts, I think it will have a feeling that something exciting could happen at any moment,” Davenport said. “Everyone gets such a kick out of watching ‘Saturday Night Live’ when a host starts to laugh. … It’s just a little bit higher stakes.”
Michaels’ choice of his “Weekend Update” stars is part of the “SNL” stamp he’s giving the night. Kate McKinnon, Tina Fey and Alec Baldwin are among the current and former cast members and guest stars serving as presenters.
The dive into the “SNL” talent pool is reminiscent of Michaels’ approach to the 1988 Emmys, which opened with Nora Dunn and Jan Hooks performing as “SNL” characters the Sweeney sisters. The sketch show’s Al Franken and Robert Smigel were among the ceremony’s writers.
Nominee Tracey Ullman declared them the “hippest” Emmys ever, while a Variety review called the ceremony a “vast improvement” over the 1987 ceremony and briskly efficient but “devoid of humor or emotional wallop.”
Michaels, who declined to be interviewed for this story, has certainly upped his game and expanded his creative empire since then, with credits including “30 Rock,” ”Portlandia” and Jimmy Fallon’s “Tonight Show.”
Crown jewel “SNL,” entering its 44th season this fall, received 21 Emmy nods this year and holds the record for most-nominated show ever with 252. Its satirical broadsides at President Donald Trump and his allies have delivered a ratings boost and renewed cultural relevance.
It’s already a winner this year, claiming seven trophies at last weekend’s creative arts ceremony, including one for “SNL” guest host Tiffany Haddish. That ties it with the formidable “Game of Thrones” in the run-up to Monday’s main event.
“Lorne Michaels has on speed-dial enough people to make it a really interesting broadcast,” said Robert Thompson, a Syracuse University professor and director of its Bleier Center for Television & Popular Culture. “If anybody is positioned to do it, he is. He’s from live television and knows how to play to a live audience.”
But it’s not just TV viewers who matter. Any awards show is tasked with spotlighting the wider industry it represents.
In 2009, the TV academy proposed showing edited acceptances of eight awards given out before the main event to make room for more entertainment, a la the Tony and Grammys, with then-ceremony host Neil Patrick Harris gamely defended the approach as providing “the best show we can to the audience.”
But those in the affected — and, let’s face it, less-glamorous categories, including writers and directors — pushed back hard. The idea was ditched, and viewers will sit (or not) through 26 awards Monday.
Trying another tack that year to stem an already worrisome ratings slide, the number of nominations slots was increased for top categories including comedy and drama. The hope was to squeeze in more popular fare, but it’s still the case that a critically acclaimed niche show such as “Mr. Robot” will be nominated than, say, long-time hit “NCIS.”
(Earlier in 2009, a ratings-conscious movie academy doubled the possible number of best picture nominees to 10 in hopes of making room for another blockbuster like “Titanic,” which delivered equivalent Oscar viewership. A plan to add a popular film category in 2019 was shelved when critics denounced it as pandering.)
Tom O’Neil, editor of Gold Derby and author of “The Emmys” and an Emmy voter as well, argues for adding nominees to all categories to recognize the so-called “peak TV” flood of streaming, cable and broadcast programs.
“Why not expand each race to 10 or 12 nominees in order to be more inclusive and to please Emmycast viewers who tune in to see their favorites?” O’Neil said. “The TV academy is not adapting fast enough to the modern media scene.”
Broadway producer Davenport contends that TV industry members who support an awards-bloated ceremony are missing the point.
“We can go on and on about how awards shows are for recognizing excellence, and they are, but they are an industry’s best chance at marketing itself that it will have all year,” he said. The Oscars typically feature a splashy opening and are punctuated by performances of the nominated songs, and the Emmys should follow suit by drawing on TV’s crowd-pleasing strengths.
“There’s more performance on television than there ever has been, with ‘American Idol’ and ‘The Voice’ and ‘America’s Got Talent’” among others, he said. “There’s got to be some way to showcase that talent.”
Syracuse’s Thompson suggests more drastic changes to a Hollywood rite he calls “stodgy” and mindlessly hidebound: “Moses didn’t have a third tablet that said awards show had to have a red carpet, an orchestra and bad presenters’ speeches.”
The Emmys could be approached as a comedy extravaganza, he said, or (possibly said tongue-in-cheek) be held on the “Family Feud” set with Steve Harvey as host.
But like the awards themselves, there would be winners and losers.
“By making the Emmys a really good show, in some ways you’ve got to sacrifice some of the things that are most dear to the people who are involved,” Thompson said.
Lynn Elber is a national television columnist for The Associated Press. She can be reached at lelberap.org and on Twitter at http://twitter.com/lynnelber